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"Banged Up" - History of Bristol's prisons & conditions

There were four recorded prisons in the history of Bedminster, from the time of the Berkeleys to the late 19th century.

The first prison, that of the Berkeley Lords, was at Redcliff Backs and appears to have lost its original use when the City of Bristol took over the parish of Redcliff from the Berkeleys. But at a later date, during the times of the French Wars of the 18th century, there are hints it had temporary use for the imprisonment of French and Spanish captives.

That it was thought necessary to build a prison for Bedminster is borne out by a reference in the Quarter Sessions’ Roll for 1726: concerning a piece of ground 'near the Almshouses' as a site for a new Bridewell. If the almshouses refered to were out of the City of Bristol then their whereabouts are a mystery, unless they were situated in the Long Ashton area. It may be that there was a compromise as to the final location, for the Bedminster Bridewell was eventually built approximately opposite the present junction of Bedminster Down Road with Winterstoke Road.

Latimer in his 'Annals' comments: 'Up to 1754 the city (Bristol) had been chiefly supplied with coal from Kingswood and Brislington. An advertisement in a local newspaper of January 1755 announced that a new road had been made from the Bedminster Bridewell 'to the new coal work there, where coal is sold at as reasonable terms as at any other colliery'.

Previous to this Latimer confirms that the Bedminster Bridewell had been built by the year 1744, when he states war was proclaimed against the French in April of this year. Privateers which sailed out of Bristol successfully engaged French shipping and, as a result of these activities, many hundreds of prisoners were confined within Bedminster Bridewell.

The Bedminster Bridewell is therefore shown to have been built sometime between the years 1726 and 1744. In 1794 the Bridewell was disused and the Smyth Bedminster Estate Book records it as No 215 Sheepleaze and Old Bridewell. Against the entry is a pencilled comment:

This is a larger and at present useless building - composed of good materials which might be appropriated to good purpose by erecting comfortable cottages where it now stands.

Sometime after 1744 and before 1750 buildings at Knowle were converted into a prison for French and Spanish prisoners of war for, by this time, their numbers were so numerous that the old Bedminster Bridewell could not have contained them. An indenture of 1750 gives an indication as to the location of this prison and the French Hospital.

all that messuage or dwelling house, garden, late Ropeyard and outhouses thereby belonging, situated, lying and being at Upper Knowle in the Parish of Bedminister, in the County of Somerset and sometime ago in the possession of Mary Knight, widow deceased, and all those four other messuages, tenements or dwelling houses situate, standing or being at Upper Knowle aforesaid and sometime ago in the several possessions of Richard Atkins, Edward Barnes and Thomas Wilton and tenants thereof and in the tenure or occupation of Elizabeth Knight, spinster, Thomas Brady, John Roath, James Dryall, senior and James Dryall, Junior, as tenants thereof, which said several messuages or tenements were, by the said William Barnsdale in his lifetime converted into prisons or places for the detention of prisoners of war.

The indenture goes on to mention; also all that messuage or tenement situate, standing or being at a place called Knowle Hill within the said parish of Bedminster in the said county of Somerset, and also in the tenure or occupation of him the said William Barnsdale and called the French Hospital

If maps of Totterdown and Knowle are to be found, with details of houses and tenements standing in the mid 18th century, the exact location of the prison may be pin-pointed from the previous information. Another clue to the position of the buildings was provided by John Wesley when he wrote 'I walked up to Knowle, a mile from Bristol, to see the prisoners'.

Unfortunately, Wesley gives no indication as to the spot from which he measured his mile. If he calculated from the 'Centre' then the site of the prison is on the slope of Pylle Hill. From Bristol Bridge a measured mile stops at a point where Totterdown and Knowle merge.

This could be classified as Upper Knowle (as in the indenture) for Lower Knowle is the land which slopes down to St John’s Lane. Felix Farley’s Journal of 1756 mentions that there were 'now 300 French prisoners at Lower Knowle' and, in May the following year the same paper reports 'The number of French prisoners at Knowle is estimated at 1000'. It is most probable, therefore, that the site of the prison was on the Totterdown/Knowle boundary.

John Wesley’s visit to the prison in October 1759 and his subsequent reports have been a point of controversy. In his journal he wrote:

'About 1100 of them (French prisoners) were confined in that little place without anything to lie upon except a little dirty straw, or anything to cover them but a few foul, thin rags, either by day or night, so that they died like rotten sheep'.

After writing this private memorandum in his journal, it is a little disconcerting to find Wesley, when writing to Felix Farley’s Journal a few days later, at complete variance with this privately expressed view.

His letter was as follows: 'Since I came to Bristol so I heard many terrible accounts concerning the French prisoners at Knowle. As that they 'were so closely wedged together that they had no room to breathe; that the stench of the rooms where they lodged was intoler able; that their food was only fit to be eaten by dogs; that their meat was carrion and their bread often rotten and unwholesome and that in consequence of this inhuman treatment they died in whole shoals'.

'Desiring to know the truth I went to Knowle on Monday and was shown the apartments there and how was I disappointed. I found they had large and convenient space to walk in if they chose it, all the day. There was no stench in any apartment which I was in either above or below. They were all sweeter and cleaner than any prison I have seen either in England or elsewhere. Being permitted to go into the larder I observed the meat hanging up, two large quarters of beef. It was fresh and fat and I nearly think as good as I ever desire to eat'.

'A large quantity of bread lay on one side. A gentleman took up one of the loaves, it was made with good flour, well baked and perfectly well tasted'.

'Going thence to the hospital I found that even in this sickly season there were not more than thirty persons dangerously ill out of some twelve to thirteen hundred. The hospital was sweeter and cleaner throughout than many other hospitals I have seen in London. I think it is my duty to declare these things for the clearing of the innocent and the honour of the British Nation'.

Wesley went on to mention that many of the prisoners were ill-clad and appealed to the public for their charity to supply their wants. Having collected £24 he sent in some shirts and stockings. A later subscription of £313 provided the prisoners with mattresses and blankets.

What made Wesley change his story? Did the authorities ask Wesley to with-hold his findings until such time as they could improve the prisoners’ lot, more to the preacher’s satisfaction? One can only hazard a guess.

Local newspapers of the 1760’s report attempts by French prisoners to escape from Knowle Prison. On the 2nd November 1762 Glamorganshire militiamen, quartered in the City of Bristol, were found guilty of having taken money from prisoners to favour their escape. Both were drummed out of the regiment 'after receiving 1000 lashes each at three various times'.
In April 1763 Felix Farley’s Journal: Noted that above 100 French prisoners, under a proper guard from Knowle, were taken to the Gibb and cheerfully embarked on lighters etc to go aboard a vessel lying in Kingsroad to take them home. 'There are above 1400 left behind who, we hear, will soon be sent off'.

Some of those left were impatient to get home for the following month the same paper reports:Thursday the French prisoners confined at Knowle made a breach in the wall of the prison to make their escape. Two of them got Out but they were soon taken and closer confined. They then broke the door to pieces and set fire to it; when the officer went with a file of men to quiet them, and they continuing unruly, he gave one of them a chop and cut off his toe. As many of them had declared their intention to break out, the guard was under arms most of the night.

In the late 18th century, when war once more broke out between England and France, Spain and Holland, difficulties were experienced in Bristol with regard to housing naval prisoners of war. The Mayor suggested that Knowle Prison, which up to 1763 had housed prisoners of the previous war, should be re-opened. However, upon investigation, it was found that the water supply had failed and so the idea was dropped. Subsequently a new prison to house prisoners of war was built at Fishponds and which, in more modern times, was to become Manor Park Hospital.
By 1784 Knowle Prison appears to have been demolished for a report in Felix Farley’s Journal, of December 11th, states that a gentleman and lady were robbed 'near where the old prison stood at Knowle'.

But by far the most important prison of the four was the more modern New Gaol, of which but the half ruined front lodge now remains.

The Howard Report stated that at the Newgate Prison, Bristol, criminals were allowed to mix freely with debtors; men with women. While the general condition of the place was filthy to the extreme, no allowance was made for the purchase of cleaning utensils, such as mops, brooms or towels.

There was an apology for a room, called the 'dungeon' or 'pit', where the more notorious felons were detained. It was twelve feet below the level of the ground and ill-lit. It was not unusual for seventeen persons to sleep nightly in this fourteen feet square den, with neither straw nor rugs for their comfort. It was said that the stench arising from the place, each morning when it was opened, turned the warders’ stomachs.

There was no employment to keep the prisoners occupied. To break the monotony and dull the prisoners’ senses to their surroundings, they were allowed to use the chapel on weekdays as a ‘tippling room’. A privilege which the prisoners extended to include Sundays when, during the service, they drank and smoked in the galleries.

The authorities were not obliged to provide for the prisoners except for two pennyworth of bread per day. The local papers often carried acknowledgements from 'the poor felons in Newgate', to the public, for their gifts. These included, apart from money, such things as coal, beef, vegetables, clothing etc. In 1792 the prisoners were allowed to fix a box near the gaol door for donations.
prison life
Those imprisoned for debt were in a different category from the common criminals, but the mesne process system, under which a man could be arrested for a debt exceeding £10, caused great distress to families by its function. Those involved could be held in prison until the case was heard and this might not be for several months.

Not only that, it was open to abuse in as much as any man accused of debt, even though he might be found not guilty by law, was not allowed to leave prison until he had paid for an expensive form of procedure, invariably beyond the means of the poor. Those found guilty of debt were, up to the year 1813 at least, liable to detention for life. This, and the state of the conditions in Newgate, often encouraged local philanthropists to raise subscriptions to pay the debts of poor labourers.

Subsequent to Howard’s revelations on prison conditions the Bristol Corporation, in 1792, obtained an Act to build a new gaol on the site of Bristol Castle. But when the authorities proposed a county rate on the citizens, for the future maintenance of the prison, there was so much opposition that they were forced to abandon the idea. Other suggestions met with a like result but local prison reformers persisted in their demands for better conditions.
One, Mr J.S. Harford published a pamphlet in 1815 in which he denounced as monstrous the practice of herding together degraded persons of both sexes. And', he continued, 'I saw the irons put upon a little boy ten years old, who had just been brought in for stealing a pound and a half of sugar. He was then introduced into the felons’ court, crowded with wretches among the most abandoned of their class'.

In spite of this protestation and others, untried prisoners were still kept in irons in 1817 and, in the following year, Mr T.F. Buxton visited the gaol and published his experiences. Eventually humanity appears to have overcome financial considerations and, in 1820 a new gaol was built in Bedminster.

An Act for building a New Gaol at the City and County of Bristol had resulted in land being purchased for this purpose in July 1816. The land considered most suitable lay on the Bristol site of the New Cut, one side of which fronted Cumberland Road, the other Wapping Road - as far down as the old railway line. Some fairly lengthy negotiations took place between the corporation and the owners of the land, Richard Fowler and the Dean and Chapter of Bristol.

Advertisements were inserted in the local press asking for plans and estimates for a New Gaol to contain approximately 200 persons, criminals and debtors. The plan was to cover all necessary buildings, except a House of Correction, and the whole was to be delivered to the city clerk’s office before 30th August. At the same time another advertisement asked for persons willing to collect the rates for the New Gaol, to be raised as according to the Act, and the collector, or collectors, were required to give security in two bondsmen for £5,000. It was later decided that only one collector would be appointed and he would receive a percentage of 2½on the sum collected as his fee. The sums collected were to be paid into the treasurer’s office once a week.

In the Common Council Minutes of May 1816 a decision was made regarding the New Gaol.

'They (the Corporation) will give the present gaol with all its appurtances, site and materials, towards defraying expense of the New Gaol and for the general satisfaction of the city they will prevent the necessity of any rate on the inhabitants for repairing or maintaining the Gaol by voluntarily taking upon themselves not only the payment of £1000 per annum towards the support of the Gaol if the same be requisite as proposed, but the whole expense of the ordinary charges, repairs and maintenance, at the same time not rendering themselves liable to rebuild or repair the said Gaol should it be destroyed or injured by the King’s enemies, popular commotion, or other accidental cause, or to enlarge the same should the jurisdiction of the City at any time hereafter be extended or circumstances arise to render such a measure necessary'.

The above decision was to have an effect upon claimants after the Bristol Riots of 1831.

Two names were put forward as collectors for the prison rate. Mr George Wills and Mr John Haberfield. George Wills was accepted and gave as trustees his father, Thomas Wills and Mr Samuel Lucas.
A total of 17 persons put forward plans for the New Gaol and these were:
Mr Faulkstone Mr Bevan
Mr Busby Mr Elmes
Mr Moneypenny Mr Nicklin
Mr Woodhouse Mr Repton
Mr Elson Mr Meredith
Mr Ingleman
Mr Jeningham (Janingham?)
Mr Seward Mr Mills
Mr Jay Mr Carver
Mr Goodchild

The plans of Seward and Faulkstone were shortlisted and Seward’s finally accepted. Mr Faulkstone did not accept the decision against him with grace, writing to the Lord Mayor to the effect that Seward’s plans had been copied from his. This was rejected by the council.

On the 27th November 1816 an advertisement was put in the papers for tenders for the excavation of the site for the New Gaol. On the suggestion of the contractor, Mr Seward, William Cleak was appointed to superintend the works.

The excavation was carried out by a Mr Porteous and, on 24th July 1817, Mr Alderman Daniel complained of the conduct of Mr Porteous in depositing rubbish from the work against his wall. It was carried that Mr Cleak speak to Mr Porteous and tell him to desist from the practice. Alderman Daniel chaired this particular meeting and signed the minute, which seems to indicate opportunism on his part, rather than the coincidence of his being there).

After the clearing of the site the offer of Messrs Jones and Wilcox to do the whole works, including the iron and plumbing, for the sum of £36,500 was accepted. However, in November 1817 they had cause to complain that stone, brought by them from St Vincent’s Rocks and Hanham, had been seized by the Custom’s House Officer, under the pretence that it was liable to a duty by virtue of the Acts 34 Geo. 3rd Chap. 51 and 49 Geo. 3rd Chap 98.

They had, in consequence, forwarded a memorial to the Treasury for relief. In order to avoid the serious consequences of suspending the works, they had been under the necessity of depositing in the hands of the collectors of Customs a sum of money to cover the amount of duties claimed. Although it was not really the liability of the newly appointed Commissioners of the New Gaol, the committee were sympathetic to the contractors and agreed to support them in all legal measures.

On 11th August 1820 notice was given by the Commissioners, William Fripp, Richard Vaughan, Henry Brooks, Philip George and John Barrow, that the New Gaol was ready to receive prisoners. By the 15th August all prisoners at Newgate had been removed to the new building.

Exact details of the original construction of the New Gaol are not altogether clear, as there appears to have been deviations from the first plans. The illustration shown is a diagrammatic plan conceived by Seward to define the various courts around the main quarters, with their several allocations. The final layout was a half cartwheel design and the buildings, shown with a dotted line, are the original lower-placed wings swung up into a position parallel with the New Cut.

The thinner lines joining the wings were open paling fences, while those dividing the courts at an angle, were stone walls.

The courts were set out as follows:
No 1 Female debtors - 2nd class (18)
No 2 Female debtors - 1st class (9)
Male debtors - Master’s side - 1st class (10)
Male debtors - Master’s side - 2nd class (14)
No 4 Males on charge (25)
No 5 Males on charge of felony (16)
King’s evidence (4)
No 6 Male felons- 1st class (16)
Males condemned to death (4)
No 7 Male felons - 2nd class (25)
No 8 Male debtors - common side (33)
No 9 Female felons (9)
Felmales conndemned to death (2)
No 10 Females on charge of felony (7)
Females on charge for small offences (5)

There was a total number of 197 cells for all prisoners and a small infirmary which catered for 20 patients.

Generally speaking there were two types of cells; those occupied by felons, the others by debtors. Each type had a standard arched ceiling, nine feet high, nine feet long and six feet wide. A small window was placed five feet nine inches high in the outer wall. The walls between the cells were eighteen inches thick. The main difference between the felon’s and the debtor’s cell was the type of door. The debtor had a single door of solid oak, but the cell of the felon, in addition to the inner door of oak, had an outer door of cast iron.

To the left of the door - on the outside of the cell was an inspection slit. This was constructed of cast iron and angled outwards on the inside affording the maximum view of the interior to the turnkey on his inspection.
After the opening of the New Gaol in 1820 the old building at Newgate was put up for auction, but it was not actually sold until the 12th December 1822 to Charles Frost for £655.

The following rules and regulations for the management of the New Gaol were probably conceived after the Riots of 1831 and before 1845.

The Gaol shall be applicable to the following classes of prisoners.

(1) Debtors or persons confined for contempt of court or civil processess.
(2) Prisoners convicted of felonies.
(3) Prisoners convicted of misdemeanors; 1st 3 and 4 Vict c.25. Prisoners convicted of misdemeanors 2nd division and deserters and other military prisoners under sentence by order of any court martial.
(4) Prisoners committed for trial on charges or suspicion of felony.
(5) Prisoners committed on charges or suspicion of misdemeanors. Deserters awaiting their route; offences relating to the laws of excise of customs; or for contempt of court not with civil process.
(6) Prisoners intended to be examined & witnesses on behalf of the crown in any prosecution.

Female prisoners to be divided from males.

Visiting Justices
All orders by the visiting justices shall be in writing to be entered in a book called the Visiting Justices’ Order Book.

NoteThese books, which would have given an insight into the conditions existing in the prison, punishments meted out etc., appear to have been lost, or destroyed, prior to the move to Horfield, or shortly afterwards.

Governor
The Governor shall execute the office in person and reside in the prison. He shall not be concerned with any occupation or trade what so ever, nor shall any officer of the prison, or any person employed for, or by, him, have any benefit or advantage from the loan or letting of any article or any dealing whatsoever to or with any prisoner.

The Governor shall not absent himself from the prison for 24 hours altogether.

The Governor shall keep a journal in which he shall record the manner and form prescribed by visiting magistrates, all punishments inflicted by his authority or that of the visiting justices, the day when the said punishments are inflicted and all other occurances of importance within the prison, which said journal shall be had before the Justices at every Gaol session to be signed by the chairman in proof of the same having been produced. He shall also keep the several books enumerated in schedule A and such other books as may from time to time be directed by the visiting Justices.

No fee or money to be accepted from a prisoner by him or his prison officers.

He shall be vigilant to prevent tradesmen etc overcharging or short dealing, or bad quality goods.

Complaints of prisoners to be heard twice a day. He must attend Divine Service, attend every ward and see every prisoner once in 24 hours.

Must ensure alarm signals are operative.

Prevent criminals holding any communication with others. No communication between criminals and debtors.

All male prisoners shall be diligently employed and shall, as far as the law permits, employ all other prisoners.

He shall not sell, lend, give away or knowingly permit or suffer any spirituous or fermented liquor to be sold, lent or given to any prisoner.

Letters to be censured.

All locks to be checked at least once a year and windows repeired as soon as possible.

The Governor shall make a report in writing of the actual state and condition of the Gaol and of the muster and description of prisoners confined therein, to the Justices of every Gaol session, also a report on prisoners received and their instruction by a schoolmaster.

Chaplain
Conduct services, administer the Holy Sacrament and instruct any prisoners who are willing to receive instruction. He has full access to all classes of prisoners.

Matron
To reside within the prison and constantly to superintend the female prisoners. To take care of bed linen, clothes and bedding of the female prisoners, the clothes which required washing and the bedding of the male prisoners, and also responsible for, and repaired and washed clothing. If necessary hired labour out of prison for this task.

She had always to attend the chapel with the female prisoners and report to the Governor any infringement of rules.

Surgeon
To visit Gaol at least once a day and must keep a journal of health of the inmates. Give smallpox injections to those not vaccinated and not release any prisoner unless he or she be fit.

Examine every person ordered for transportation to the hulks.

Attend all corporal punishments.

May order liquor or tobacco if necessary for the health of a prisoner, but such prisoner to be admitted to the infirmary ward before liquor is administered.

The surgeon’s salary shall be considered to include the payment to him for all medicines (except leeches) for surgical and medical attendances, inquests and post mortem examinations.

Schoolmaster
Attend Gaol daily.
To work as clerk in the chapel when Divine Service is performed.
When not employed in teaching to assist the Governor in keeping the books of Gaol.

Officers
Clerk - to act as chief assistant to the Governor.

The resident officers to provide their own food, but are supplied with coals, candles, soap for themselves and resident families. Clothes and bedclothes to be washed in the same manner as that of the prisoners, the material for mending to be provided by the officers.

No male officer to visit female prisoners except by order of the Governor and then must be accompanied by the matron or a female officer.

No officer shall strike or lay hands upon, or use threatening gestures towards any prisoner except in the performance of his duties, nor subject any particular prisoner to restraint or privation.

All passages adjoining the cells of the prisoners shall be patrolled by turnkeys by day and night.

No officer shall part with his key except to the Governor, nor go alone with keys in his possession into a room, or yard, where there is more than one prisoner.

General
Untried prisoners may be visited three times a week by one person only, except by special order from the Justices. They may also receive provisions every day between the hours of seven and eight in the morning, between twelve at noon and one in the afternoon, and between four and five in the afternoon.

Persons who bring clothes or provisions to prisoners must retire immediately after delivering same at the Lodge.

Clothes of visitors to criminal prisoners to be examined by prison officer of the sex of the visitor, for weapons, spirits, tobacco, snuff, provisions, books etc.

No reputed thieves or prostitutes or persons of known bad character shall be permitted to visit.

In case of serious illness of any criminal prisoner the Governor may grant father, mother, child, brother or sister to visit.

Penalty for bringing into prison a weapon or disguise to aid the escape of a prisoner, whether successful or not, to be transported for a term not exceeding fourteen years.

No dogs, unless required for the safety of prison, nor pigs, pigeons, poultry, rabbits or cattle, shall be kept within the walls of the prison. All filth and rubbish shall be carried, once a day, without the walls and foul straw and other materials to be immediately burnt.

Convenient places for prisoners to wash to be provided with adequate allowances of soap, towels and combs.

Prisoners to wash their faces and hands and comb their hair at least once every day and wash their feet and bathe at least once a month.

Prisoners to rise at six in the morning in the summer and as near that time in the winter as light will permit and retire to their cells at six o’clock in summer and as near as possible thereto in the winter.

Meals to be served in the cells.

Every male prisoner sentenced to hard labour, unless prevented by sickness, to be employed on the treadmill, or in any such labour prescribed by the rules. When not on the treadmill then work in the labour cells or oakum room.

There was to be more ventilation in the cells and corridors and, as no new baths had been provided for prisoners when first committed - to replace those destroyed in the 1831 riots, it was suggested that new baths be built. At the time new prisoners were obliged to bathe in a tub or in a privy. Just prior to the publication of this report there appears to have been a scandal concerning a prisoner called Hollister. Details are not available but it is possible that this man died due to catching a chill through having to bathe in cold water in exposed conditions. Anyhow, it was recommended that two baths be built and an adequate supply of both hot and cold water be freely available for the new prisoner’s ablutions.

The treadmill had seen heavy service since its repair after the riots and it was now estimated that repairs to the machinery, plus other alterations, would be in the region of £280.

The locks of the gaol were found to be in a serious state; so much so that prisoners had been able to force them whenever they chose. The locks were repaired by Messrs Room and Grazebrook and their internal mechanism secured in such a way as to prevent such attempts in the future. The cost was in excess of £350.

The water pipes conveying water from the treadmill pump were badly corroded and coated with sludge from the infiltration of river and surface water. To remedy this the well was deepened.

Debtors were allowed to keep a small supply of provisions in their cells but as much of this decayed before fully used, it became a threat to their health. To overcome this, a small cupboard for each debtor was installed in their day-room.

Other improvements were tables and chairs supplied for untried prisoners; the introduction of gas lighting; bedsteads provided in place of the straw mattresses on the floor; the straw mattresses used by the sick in the infirmary replaced by flock ones with pillows; rugs, blankets and new sheets were also acquired.

The diet of the convicted prisoners in the gaol had been, up to this report, restricted to one pound of bread per day, for dinner two pounds of potatoes, or half a pound of boiled rice with treacle, alternatively. No meat was supplied. This restrictive diet had led to illness and death among the prisoners and the Justices now ordered that 5 ounces of meat be given twice a week, soup twice a week and a larger portion of bread on those days when meat was not allowed.

Salaries of officers
Governor £300 p.a.
Chaplain £200 p.a.
Surgeon £100 (from £63 p.a.)
Clerk from 18s p.w. to £80 p.a.

A schoolmaster was appointed to teach males reading and writing but, at this time, it was decided not to extend his duties to cover women prisoners.

The Justices expressed concern over the addition of five turnkeys to the staff at the gaol. Formerly there had been the clerk and six turnkeys for both day and night duty. The solitary female turnkey, the wife of a turnkey, acted also as matron and, not only did she look after the convicted female prisoners in one wing of the gaol, but also untried female prisoners and female debtors.

In contravention of the Gaol Act convicted male prisoners were employed as cooks and also waited on the master debtors, in addition to supervising juvenile offenders.

There was concern over the mixing of young offenders with hardened criminals and their exposure to foul language and ill-conduct. While this comment was well intentioned, the environment was probably no worse than that to which the young people were accustomed.

Debtors were allowed to purchase beer in unlimited quantities so that drunkeness was frequent and common among this class of prisoner. The so-called 'master' debtors were often totally indifferent to discipline, refusing to quit their day-room when asked to do so by the visiting Justices during their inspection. Debtors, while not allowed to bring personal bedding into prison with them, could hire this commodity from the Governor for three shillings and sixpence a week. (The extent of this and other ‘perks’ available to Governors is emphasised by the list presented by Governor Humphries, after the Bristol Riots, to back his claim for compensation.

The Governor’s journal showed a vast record of crimes perpetrated by the prisoners in the gaol, together with punishments given for refusal to work, defiance of the Governor’s officers, breaking of furniture, damaging the treadmill, forcing locks and indecent conduct. It was not unusual for men to climb out of their own yards into those of the women, and vice versa. There had been many successful escapes from the gaol

four by forcing locks, eleven by knocking down turnkeys and taking their keys. On one occasion there was a mass break-out of nineteen prisoners who, having knocked down a turnkey and deprived him of his keys, held a knife to his throat to facilitate their escape.

The conduct of military prisoners, held for desertion, was said to be horrific; at one time military aid having to be called to quell a mutiny.

Female prisoners, especially those who were convicted felons were 'vile to the extreme' and 'the abominable obsenities among prisoners of both sexes must be veiled in obscurity. They are too filthy and disgusting to be recited here'.

Personal cleanliness was scarcely known as towel and soap were not allowed to prisoners and, because of lack of classification of prisoners, it was not uncommon for female debtors to be confined with female felons or placed with prostitutes. Although the Gaol Act was emphatic on the point that no male turnkey should visit female prisoners unless accompanied by a female turnkey, the former often visited female prisoners on their own. One turnkey, who absconded, was said to have made several female prisoners pregnant.

Another common cause for complaint was the fact that the same keys would open the doors of cells of both sexes of prisoner, the gates, yards and dayroom.

The convicts were visited by friends every three months and, if not tried, friends were allowed access three times a week, instead of once only as was once the rule. The -surgeon visited the prisoners daily as also did the clerk. The schoolmaster gave twenty minutes of his time to all prisoners undergoing education, each in rotation. Whenever the prisoners were in the exercise yards or cells, they were always within sight of turnkeys. All prisoners attended Divine Service daily, every morning, in the chapel.

The 1851 census shows that there were 144 male prisoners and 29 female prisoners in the gaol at this date, with six staff and four members of staff families. This is a big reduction of staff in comparison with the above report. The 1871 census gives the number of male prisoners as 115, female 17. The staff consisted of the Governor and his wife (who was matron) - a school mistress - seven warders - one officer (probably the clerk) - one cook/baker and one assistant.

This can only be a general, broad picture of what life was like in the New Gaol. The missing Governor’s journals would have enlightened the enquirer as to more human aspects of prison life. For example, what jobs were carried out by felons and debtors? How much were they paid for their tasks? An account of the various trades in which prisoners in the County of Dorsetshire were employed has been listed. These are given as some trades were probably followed in the Bedminster Gaol also.
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